Tag: libertarian policy

  • Time to Wind Down the National Flood Insurance Program

    Time to Wind Down the National Flood Insurance Program

    For decades, the federal government has played the role of flood insurer through the National Flood Insurance Program (NFIP). What began as a public backstop has hardened into a routine subsidy, with Washington absorbing risks that private insurers would normally price—and often avoid—without a premium that reflects the true likelihood of loss.

    The program’s structure shifts the consequences of building and living in flood-prone areas away from the people making those choices and onto taxpayers nationwide. When insurance prices are held below what risk would justify, the signal that normally discourages dangerous or imprudent development is muted. The predictable result is more construction, more rebuilding, and more repeated claims in places where flooding is not a remote possibility but an expected hazard.

    A market-based approach would treat flood exposure the way other major risks are handled: through pricing, underwriting, and incentives that reward mitigation. Homeowners who choose high-risk locations—especially affluent property owners—should be able to purchase coverage that reflects their actual risk or decide to self-insure, elevate structures, relocate, or take other steps that reduce potential losses. When the cost of risk is visible and borne by the decision-maker, fewer resources are wasted and communities can adapt more realistically to changing conditions.

    Ending the NFIP would also restore a clearer division between legitimate disaster relief and ongoing, pre-arranged subsidies. Emergency assistance after severe events can be debated and targeted openly. But standing federal insurance that repeatedly covers foreseeable, location-specific damage functions as a long-term transfer payment, not a neutral public service. It encourages rebuilding in the same vulnerable spots rather than supporting resilience and smarter land use.

    A phase-out of the NFIP would let private insurers and reinsurers step in where coverage is viable, while pushing states and localities to reconsider zoning and building decisions that amplify risk. In a freer system, people would still be able to live near coasts, rivers, and floodplains—but they would do so with prices and policies that reflect reality rather than federal guarantees. The practical and fair course is to end the National Flood Insurance Program and allow insurance markets, property owners, and local governments to manage flood risk without a permanent national subsidy.

  • Why the Supreme Court Should Pause the FDA’s Abortion-Pill Rule Until the Agency Follows the Law

    Why the Supreme Court Should Pause the FDA’s Abortion-Pill Rule Until the Agency Follows the Law

    The dispute over the abortion drug commonly known as the “abortion pill” has shifted from politics to process, raising a question that matters beyond this one medication: whether a federal agency should be allowed to expand its reach without first demonstrating that it has satisfied the legal and scientific obligations that justify its authority. The argument for a judicial pause is not that courts should micromanage medicine, but that agencies should be required to show their work before their decisions are allowed to reshape national policy.

    At the center of the debate is the Food and Drug Administration’s role as a regulator that exists to evaluate drugs through defined standards, not to act as a shortcut for policy outcomes. When an agency changes rules affecting how a drug is prescribed and distributed, it is supposed to be able to explain the basis for those changes in a way that can withstand scrutiny. From a conservative and libertarian perspective, that accountability is essential: the administrative state should not be permitted to exercise broad power first and provide a convincing justification later.

    Supporters of a stay argue that the Supreme Court should require the FDA to meet its responsibilities before its rule takes effect in a way that is difficult to reverse. A stay, in this view, is a temporary safeguard designed to prevent an agency from entrenching a contested regime while basic questions about lawful procedure, evidence, and the scope of delegated authority remain unsettled. The point is not to pre-judge the ultimate merits of the medication itself, but to insist that the government follow the rules that restrain it.

    This line of reasoning also reflects a broader concern about how modern governance works. When agencies can effectively make major policy through regulatory adjustments—especially in an area as divisive as abortion—citizens are left with fewer meaningful checks on unelected decision-makers. Conservatives tend to see that as a constitutional problem, and libertarians tend to see it as a limit-on-power problem; either way, both camps generally agree that institutions should not be rewarded for bypassing the discipline of careful, transparent decision-making.

    In that framework, the Supreme Court’s role is to ensure that power is exercised within boundaries, not to substitute its own preferences for those of regulators. A stay would signal that the FDA cannot rely on its status alone, and that it must demonstrate it has done its job before it is allowed to wield the sweeping practical effects that accompany a nationwide rule. The underlying claim is straightforward: if an agency wants deference, it should first earn it by following the law and providing a rigorous, reviewable explanation for its actions.